Muslims decry French Mohammad cartoons as new insult

Reuters reports: Muslim leaders criticised a French magazine’s publication of cartoons of the Prophet Mohammad on Wednesday as another Western insult to their faith and urged France’s government to take firm action against it.

“We reject and condemn the French cartoons that dishonour the Prophet and we condemn any action that defames the sacred according to people’s beliefs,” the acting head of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, Essam Erian, said.

The cartoons were featured in the French satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo. Its front cover showed an Orthodox Jew pushing a turbaned figure in a wheelchair and several caricatures of the Prophet were included on its inside pages, including some of him naked.

The Guardian reports: Mahmoud Ghozlan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood, said that French law should deal with insults against Islam in the same way as it deals with Holocaust denial.

“If anyone doubts the Holocaust happened, they are imprisoned, yet if anyone insults the prophet, his companions or Islam, the most (France) does is to apologise in two words. It is not fair or logical,” he said.

Richard Prasquier, president of the Representative Council for Jewish Institutions, said he disapproved of the Charlie Hebdo cartoons after the killings in the row over the film.

“It is in consideration of those deaths that I disapprove of Charlie Hebdo’s initiative,” he said in a statement. “To publish caricatures of the prophet Muhammad in these times, in the name of freedom, is an irresponsible kind of panache.”

Dalil Boubakeur, the senior imam at the Grande Mosquée de Paris, appealed for France’s Muslim community, which is the largest in Europe, to remain calm and not “throw oil on the fire”.

André Vingt-Trois, the Catholic Archbishop of Paris, told French radio the cartoons would “provoke revulsion among many Muslim believers, who will feel their faith has been insulted”. He added: “You cannot say anything in the name of freedom of expression.”

Laurent Fabius, the minister of foreign affairs, said he was “against all provocation”.

However, Charlie Hebdo’s editor, Stéphane Charbonnier, was unrepentant. He said the latest caricatures would shock “only those who will want to be shocked”.

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The wife of Jesus: New discovery challenges fundamental Christian belief

Ariel Sabar interviews Harvard researcher Karen King who talks about the discovery of an ancient papyrus fragment with the phrase, “Jesus said to them, ‘My wife.’”

The fragment was a shade smaller than an ATM card, honey-hued and densely inked on both sides with faded black script. The writing, King told me, was in the ancient Egyptian language of Coptic, into which many early Christian texts were translated in the third and fourth centuries, when Alexandria vied with Rome as an incubator of Christian thought.

When she lifted the papyrus to her office’s arched window, sunlight seeped through in places where the reeds had worn thin. “It’s in pretty good shape,” she said. “I’m not going to look this good after 1,600 years.”

But neither the language nor the papyrus’ apparent age was particularly remarkable. What had captivated King when a private collector first e-mailed her images of the papyrus was a phrase at its center in which Jesus says “my wife.”

The fragment’s 33 words, scattered across 14 incomplete lines, leave a good deal to interpretation. But in King’s analysis, and as she argues in a forthcoming article in the Harvard Theological Review, the “wife” Jesus refers to is probably Mary Magdalene, and Jesus appears to be defending her against someone, perhaps one of the male disciples.

“She will be able to be my disciple,” Jesus replies. Then, two lines later, he says: “I dwell with her.”

The papyrus was a stunner: the first and only known text from antiquity to depict a married Jesus.

But Dan Brown fans, be warned: King makes no claim for its usefulness as biography. The text was probably composed in Greek a century or so after Jesus’ crucifixion, then copied into Coptic some two centuries later. As evidence that the real-life Jesus was married, the fragment is scarcely more dispositive than Brown’s controversial 2003 novel, The Da Vinci Code.

What it does seem to reveal is more subtle and complex: that some group of early Christians drew spiritual strength from portraying the man whose teachings they followed as having a wife. And not just any wife, but possibly Mary Magdalene, the most-mentioned woman in the New Testament besides Jesus’ mother.

The question the discovery raises, King told me, is, “Why is it that only the literature that said he was celibate survived? And all of the texts that showed he had an intimate relationship with Magdalene or is married didn’t survive? Is that 100 percent happenstance? Or is it because of the fact that celibacy becomes the ideal for Christianity?”

How this small fragment figures into longstanding Christian debates about marriage and sexuality is likely to be a subject of intense debate. Because chemical tests of its ink have not yet been run, the papyrus is also apt to be challenged on the basis of authenticity; King herself emphasizes that her theories about the text’s significance are based on the assumption that the fragment is genuine, a question that has by no means been definitively settled. That her article’s publication will be seen at least in part as a provocation is clear from the title King has given the text: “The Gospel of Jesus’s Wife.” [Continue reading…]

If references to Jesus’s marriage were removed from the gospels, this may have less to do with the promotion of celibacy as a Christian ideal than with the need to buttress claims about Jesus’s divinity. After all, if he had a wife then he almost certainly had children and not just a mother but also a father — a human father.

And with that blasphemous thought perhaps it’s worth remembering that those who feel their faith is being challenged can have extreme reactions — whatever their faith. Remember The Last Temptation of Christ?

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Syria’s secular and Islamist rebels: Who are the Saudis and the Qataris arming?

Time reports: Vast swaths of northern Syria, especially in the province of Idlib, have slipped out of the hands of President Bashar Assad, if not quite out of his reach. The area is now a de facto liberated zone, though the daily attacks by Damascus’ air force and the shelling from the handful of checkpoints and bases regime forces have fallen back to are reminders that the rebel hold on the territory remains fluid and fragile.

What is remarkable is that this substantial strip of “free” Syria has been patched together in the past 18 months by military defectors, students, tradesmen, farmers and pharmacists who have not only withstood the Syrian army’s withering fire but in some instances repelled it using a hodgepodge of limited, light weaponry. The feat is even more amazing when one considers the disarray among the outside powers supplying arms to the loosely allied band of rebels.

As TIME reports here, disorder and distrust plague two of the rebels’ international patrons: Saudi Arabia and Qatar. The two Gulf powerhouses are no longer on the same page when it comes to determining who among the plethora of mushrooming Syrian rebel groups should be armed. The rift surfaced in August, with the alleged Saudi and Qatari representatives in charge of funneling free weaponry to the rebels clearly backing different factions among the groups — including various shades of secular and Islamist militias — under the broad umbrella that is the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

The middlemen of the two countries operate out of Turkey, the regional military power. Ankara has been quite public with its denunciation of Assad even as it denies any involvement in shuffling weapons across the border to Syrian rebels. It claims its territory is not being used to do so. And yet, as TIME reported in June, a secretive group operates something like a command center in Istanbul, directing the distribution of vital military supplies believed to be provided by Saudi Arabia and Qatar and transported with the help of Turkish intelligence to the Syrian border and then to the rebels. Further reporting has revealed more details of the operation, the politics and favoritism that undermine the task of creating a unified rebel force out of the wide array of groups trying to topple the Assad regime. [Continue reading…]

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Syria tested chemical weapons systems, witnesses say

Der Spiegel reports: The Syrian army is believed to have tested missile systems for poison gas shells at the end of August, statements from various witnesses indicate.

The tests took place near a chemical weapons research center at Safira [ten miles] east of Aleppo, witnesses told SPIEGEL. A total of five or six empty shells devised for delivering chemical agents were fired by tanks and aircraft, at a site called Diraiham in the desert near the village of Khanasir.

Iranian officers believed to be members of the Revolutionary Guards were flown in by helicopter for the testing, according to the statements.

The Safira research center is regarded as Syria’s largest testing site for chemical weapons. It is officially referred to as a “scientific research center.”

Scientists from Iran and North Korea are said to work in the expansive, fenced-off complex. According to Western intelligence agencies, they produce chemical agents such as sarin, tabun and mustard gas and test them on animals. [Continue reading…]

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Netanyahu’s Iran strategy erases the Palestinian problem

Chris McGreal writes: Binyamin Netanyahu’s appearance on Meet the Press this weekend was telling.

Interviewer David Gregory called him the “leader of the Jewish people”. That’s certainly how the Israeli prime minister would like to see himself, and he wouldn’t be the first.

Israeli leaders have long claimed the mantle of voice of the Jewish people around the world and protector of the Diaspora. Part of that is rooted in the idea of Israel as a safe haven, and the desire of every Israeli government to draw in new citizens. A few years back, Ariel Sharon tried to tell Jews in France that they were so persecuted they needed to move to Israel for their own protection. This at a time when Hamas and Islamic Jihad were blowing innocents to pieces in Jerusalem restaurants and on Tel Aviv buses. There was no rush to the El Al flight from Paris.

But there is also the global aspect. Netanyahu stood before the United Nations last year and claimed to speak for hundreds of generations of Jews across the world. It was an attempt to elevate himself above a mere political leader to claim to represent the full weight of Jewish suffering in justifying his government’s stance towards the Palestinians.

Gregory’s slip – he later corrected himself by tweeting that it would be better to call Netanyahu the leader of Jewish state – was revealing of a mindset in certain sections of the American press that has a hard time dealing with the fact that Israel’s prime minister might not be the leader of an entire people, but just another politician less worried about the common good than shoring up his power.

That was where Meet the Press was revealing on a second point. It threw up evidence of just how successful Netanyahu has been at putting his political interests before those of Israel’s future, which should lie in keeping the ever-dimming prospect of a two-state solution alive.

There wasn’t a single mention of the Palestinians during the 15 minute interview. Gregory didn’t ask about them, and Netanyahu didn’t talk about them. Thus the fate of several million people living under varying degrees of an occupation that continues to plunder land, maintain discriminatory laws and administrative procedures – such as rationing water to Arab villages while their neighbors in the Jewish settlements have unlimited supplies – remains in limbo. Netanyahu’s government, meanwhile, pays lip service to the creation of a Palestinian state while pursuing policies intended to stave off the day of its birth. [Continue reading…]

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Mitt Romney’s no-state solution

Robert Mackey writes: As my colleague Sarah Wheaton reports, Mitt Romney said privately in May that “there’s just no way” for an independent Palestinian state to be established on the West Bank territory Israel has occupied since 1967. The Republican presidential candidate’s comments, during a discussion with donors in Florida, were secretly recorded and published on Tuesday by Mother Jones, a liberal magazine.

In the surreptitiously recorded video, Mr. Romney can be heard asserting that “the pathway to peace is almost unthinkable to accomplish,” because “the Palestinians have no interest whatsoever in establishing peace” and remain “committed to the destruction and elimination of Israel.” He then cast doubt on the viability of a Palestinian state, given the region’s geography: [continue reading…]

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Towns in rebel-controlled Syria experiment with open democracy

Borzou Daragahi reports: The leaders of the council governing Souran, a town in rebel-controlled Syria, decide to hold an impromptu meeting right on the footpath along its main street, a gesture of open government that would impress Canada or Sweden.

They draw together some plastic chairs and a table, pour tea and, as pedestrians listen in, explain the workings of the government they have set up to replace the Baath Party and the security officials who ran the region with an iron fist under President Bashar al-Assad’s rule.

“This is a new thing for us,” says Faez Hamsho, a businessman and one of 11 members of the town’s governing council. “But when Bashar’s men fled, we had to solve the day-to-day problems of the area.”

A commotion suddenly erupts. Word trickles in that a missile fired by one of Assad’s fighter jets has struck a nearby village. There are numerous injuries. Drivers on motorcycles and cars full of children and loaded with suitcases zoom past, fleeing in fear of further bombs. Aircraft can be heard circling overhead. A minor panic erupts.

The experiment in open democracy is adjourned and the men rush indoors.

As a ferocious war pits Syrian rebels against Assad’s regime, a self-rule experiment has begun to take root in the parts of the country under the control of the opposition. Much of the country’s north is under rebel control. The regime still controls Damascus, but parts of the capital city remain contested. Elsewhere there are rebel enclaves.

Under the shadow of Assad’s fighter jets, shelling and helicopters, the self-described revolutionaries manage local affairs such as refuse collection or food distribution, house the many displaced by war, mete out justice and resolve potentially cataclysmic disputes between clans before they get out of hand.

Syrians have little democratic experience. They lived for decades under the tight-fisted, centralized rule of Assad and his father, Hafez. But many of those now leading their communities took part in the peaceful protests last year, a time of intense political education and dialogue infused with the democratic spirit that ignited revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt. [Continue reading…]

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Syria massacres seem to show slow, steady killing strategy

The Los Angeles Times reports: As he hid from soldiers in a field next to his neighborhood, a young man watched as a cat wandered down a street. Suddenly, it was shot dead. That’s when Zuhair noticed the sniper on a nearby roof.

But a father and son walking along the street didn’t see the gunman, Zuhair said. The sniper lowered his head and peered through his scope.

He shot the boy first. As the man tried to grab his son, who looked to be about 10, he was shot as well.

The two are among a reported 700 victims of snipers, shelling and summary executions, most of them men, since forces loyal to President Bashar Assad stormed the Damascus suburb of Dariya in late August, one in a growing list of Syrian towns and villages that briefly enter the world’s spotlight, only to be replaced by another one when a new mass killing is committed.

Unlike a massacre by government forces three decades earlier in the city of Hama, which left more than 20,000 dead in just three weeks and still haunts the country, the reported atrocities have been spread over months of bloodshed in Syria. That has led some to call the government campaign a kind of slow-motion Hama.

Late last year, as the government siege of the city of Homs was underway, activists began tweeting: “Homs 2011 = Hama 1982, but slowly, slowly.” As the conflict becomes more bloody on both sides, the same can be said for the entire country.

“They killed them in one sweep [in Hama]; with us, it’s in stages,” said Um Hussam, a mother of five who runs a small convenience shop in an old neighborhood of Dariya. “We expected they would kill and terrorize people, but not to this … level of barbarity.”

After videos of children’s bodies emerged after a massacre of 108 people in the town of Houla in May, there was brief international outcry, and several Western countries expelled their Syrian ambassadors and diplomats. Less than two weeks later in the town of Qubair, 78 were killed and United Nation monitors were fired upon when they first tried to visit the village.

On Thursday, activists said 36 civilians had been executed in Yalda, a Damascus suburb.

Like the Hama massacre before, these mass killings are an effort not only to crush dissent but also to ensure that future generations don’t think of revolting, said Muhammad Shihadeh, an activist in Dariya. He also sees a sinister motive in the relatively smaller toll in each mass killing.

“It was a smart tactic on the part of the regime so there wouldn’t be a shock from the international community,” Shihadeh said. “But we’re seeing that the world has a very expansive red line.”

The opposition estimates at least 27,000 have been killed, and the numbers are rising.

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Syria’s Libyan revolutionary

The Libya Herald reports: Over the past few months, growing reports have emerged from Syria of a group of Libyans engaged in the conflict to overthrow the regime of longtime dictator Bashar Al-Assad.

Having lived through the horrors of last year’s revolution in Libya, these young men have travelled to Syria to fight for a second time, out of a sense of solidarity with a country many feel has been abandoned to its fate by the outside world.

Perhaps the most famous of these repeat revolutionaries is Mahdi Al-Harati, commander of the Liwa Al-Ummah, a 6,000 strong body composed overwhelmingly of Syrians but led by a Libyan.

A softly spoken man raised in Ireland, Harati led the Revolutionaries of Tripoli brigade during last year’s uprising in Libya, and his was the first group of fighters to enter the capital from Zawiya, on 21 August 2011. Muammar Qaddafi’s last redoubt, his fortress compound Bab Al-Azizia, fell two days later.

Harati subsequently served as deputy head of the Tripoli Military Council, before stepping down in November and heading to Syria to witness the plight of the people there first-hand.

What he saw there resolved him to use his fighting experience to help Syria’s often-ramshackle revolutionaries to organise themselves into a more effective fighting force.

Earlier this year, he formed the Ummah brigade for that purpose. Here he speaks to the Libya Herald about his experiences and what it means to be a Libyan in a Syrian revolution.

“When I first arrived in Syria, what I saw was a group of people in a terrible condition. I was touched with the response I received and realised these men wanted all the help they could get.

“They welcomed me and requested me to help them”, Harati says. “I accepted and initially started to work on the lines of relief goods.”

What Harati soon realised, however, was that the level of fighting and the loss of life was such that the situation was much more difficult than even what he had faced in Libya.

“The situation was very grim and there was no comparison between the two countries. I realised the fight was tough as the people were being killed in large numbers every day and the Syrians would require all the help possible to succeed.”

After realising the nature of the war Harati knew that it would take help from the broader Muslim community (the Ummah) to topple the Assad regime, and so it was that the Ummah brigade was formed.

“War required a serious contribution from the Ummah and they didn’t disappoint, praise be to God. People contacted me from all over the world to help the Syrian cause,” he said.

“There are now more than 6,000 fighters in the Liwa Al-Umma. We have strictly kept 90 per cent of the members Syrians.”

The remaining ten per cent, Harati says, are drawn from other Muslim countries, including Libya. Many of the Libyans fought with Harati in the Tripoli Revolutionary Brigade and are amongst Harati’s closest confidants, including his brother-in-law Housam Najjair.

“The Syrians were very willing to fight but didn’t have the expertise to do so effectively. So I decided to put my experience from Libya to good use and trained the locals. But the response from around the world was amazing. People were coming from different countries to help their brothers and sisters in Syria. They realised that Syria is the gateway to Quds [Jerusalem] and the Ummah must contribute to help liberate and protect it.

“Turkey was full of people who wanted to fight. At one point I had to stop them from coming to Syria as I lacked the resources to manage that many fighters.” [Continue reading…]

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Why anti-Islam film may fail the free-speech test

Sarah Chayes, former special assistant to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, writes: In one of the most famous 1st Amendment cases in U.S. history, Schenck vs. United States, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. established that the right to free speech in the United States is not unlimited. “The most stringent protection,” he wrote on behalf of a unanimous court, “would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theater and causing a panic.”

Holmes’ test — that words are not protected if their nature and circumstances create a “clear and present danger” of harm — has since been tightened. But even under the more restrictive current standard, “Innocence of Muslims,” the film whose video trailer indirectly led to the death of U.S. Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens among others, is not, arguably, free speech protected under the U.S. Constitution and the values it enshrines.
[…]
The current standard for restricting speech — or punishing it after it has in fact caused violence — was laid out in the 1969 case Brandenburg vs. Ohio. Under the narrower guidelines, only speech that has the intent and the likelihood of inciting imminent violence or lawbreaking can be limited.

Likelihood is the easiest test. In Afghanistan, where I have lived for most of the past decade, frustrations at an abusive government and at the apparent role of international forces in propping it up have been growing for years. But those frustrations are often vented in religious, not political, terms, because religion is a more socially acceptable, and safer, rationale for public outcry.

In the summer of 2010, Jones announced his intent to publicly burn a copy of the Muslim holy scripture, the Koran, that Sept. 11. He was eventually dissuaded by a number of religious and government officials, including Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, who called him to say his actions would put the lives of U.S. soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan at risk. On the Joint Chiefs of Staff, where I worked at the time, consensus was that the likelihood of violence was high.

When Jones did in fact stage a public Koran burning on March 20, 2011, riots broke out in Afghanistan, killing nearly a dozen people and injuring 90 in the beautiful, cosmopolitan northern city of Mazar-i-Sharif. Seven of the dead were United Nations employees; the rest were Afghans.

In Afghanistan, and in all of the Arab nations in transition, an extremist fringe is brawling for power with a more pluralistic majority. Radicals pounce on any pretext to play on religious feeling. I could pick out the signs of manipulation in Afghanistan — riots that started on university campuses where radicalized Pakistani students abound, simultaneous outbreaks in far-flung places, the sudden

appearance of weapons. By providing extremists in Libya and elsewhere such an opportunity, the makers of “Innocence of Muslims” were playing into their hands.

As for imminence, the timeline of similar events after recent burnings of religious materials indicates that reactions typically come within two weeks. Nakoula’s video was deliberately publicized just before the sensitive date of Sept. 11, and could be expected to spark violence on that anniversary.

While many 1st Amendment scholars defend the right of the filmmakers to produce this film, arguing that the ensuing violence was not sufficiently imminent, I spoke to several experts who said the trailer may well fall outside constitutional guarantees of free speech. “Based on my understanding of the events,” 1st Amendment authority Anthony Lewis said in an interview Thursday, “I think this meets the imminence standard.”

Finally, much 1st Amendment jurisprudence concerns speech explicitly advocating violence, such as calls to resist arrest, or videos explaining bomb-making techniques. But words don’t have to urge people to commit violence in order to be subject to limits, says Lewis. “If the result is violence, and that violence was intended, then it meets the standard.”

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Iranian cleric beaten up by ‘badly veiled’ woman

Golnaz Esfandiari writes: “I politely [told] her to cover herself up,” said Hojatoleslam Ali Beheshti, an Iranian cleric in the city of Shamirzad in Semnan Province, describing a recent encounter with a woman he believed was improperly veiled.

“She responded to me by saying: ‘You [should] close your eyes.'”

The cleric, who spoke to the semi-official Mehr news agency, said he repeated his warning to the “bad hijab” woman, which is a way of describing women who do not fully observe the Islamic dress code that became compulsory following the 1979 revolution.

“Not only didn’t she cover herself up, but she also insulted me. I asked her not to insult me anymore, but she started shouting and threatening me,” Beheshti said. “She pushed me and I fell to the ground on my back. From that point on, I don’t know what happened. I was just feeling the kicks of the woman who was beating me up and insulting me.”

He said he was hospitalized for three days following the attack.

I’m not a supporter of violence, but as a woman who grew up in Iran and was harassed many times for appearing in public in a way that was deemed un-Islamic, I understand the frustration that woman in Semnan must have felt and why she lashed out at the cleric. [Continue reading…]

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On real and fabricated insults to Islam

In an excerpt from his new book, Joseph Anton: A Memoir (released today), Salmon Rushdie (who writes about himself in the third person) recounts the publication of The Satanic Verses:

The book took more than four years to write. Afterward, when people tried to reduce it to an “insult,” he wanted to reply, “I can insult people a lot faster than that.” But it did not strike his opponents as strange that a serious writer should spend a tenth of his life creating something as crude as an insult. This was because they refused to see him as a serious writer. In order to attack him and his work, they had to paint him as a bad person, an apostate traitor, an unscrupulous seeker of fame and wealth, an opportunist who “attacked Islam” for his own personal gain. This was what was meant by the much repeated phrase “He did it on purpose.” Well, of course he had done it on purpose. How could one write a quarter of a million words by accident? The problem, as Bill Clinton might have said, was what one meant by “it.”

The ironic truth was that, after two novels that engaged directly with the public history of the Indian subcontinent, he saw this new book as a more personal exploration, a first attempt to create a work out of his own experience of migration and metamorphosis. To him, it was the least political of the three books. And the material derived from the origin story of Islam was, he thought, essentially respectful toward the Prophet of Islam, even admiring of him. It treated him as he always said he wanted to be treated, not as a divine figure (like the Christians’ “Son of God”) but as a man (“the Messenger”). It showed him as a man of his time, shaped by that time, and, as a leader, both subject to temptation and capable of overcoming it. “What kind of idea are you?” the novel asked the new religion, and suggested that an idea that refused to bend or compromise would, in all likelihood, be destroyed, but conceded that, in very rare instances, such ideas became the ones that changed the world. His Prophet flirted with compromise, then rejected it, and his unbending idea grew strong enough to bend history to its will.

When he was first accused of being offensive, he was truly perplexed. He thought he had made an artistic engagement with the phenomenon of revelation — an engagement from the point of view of an unbeliever, certainly, but a genuine one nonetheless. How could that be thought offensive? The thin-skinned years of rage-defined identity politics that followed taught him, and everyone else, the answer to that question.

The British edition of The Satanic Verses came out on Monday, September 26, 1988, and, for a brief moment that fall, the publication was a literary event, discussed in the language of books. Was it any good? Was it, as Victoria Glendinning suggested in the London Times, “better than Midnight’s Children, because it is more contained, but only in the sense that the Niagara Falls are contained,” or, as Angela Carter said in the Guardian, “an epic into which holes have been punched to let in visions . . . [a] populous, loquacious, sometimes hilarious, extraordinary contemporary novel”? Or was it, as Claire Tomalin wrote in the Independent, a “wheel that would not turn,” or, in Hermione Lee’s even harsher opinion, in the Observer, a novel that went “plunging down, on melting wings toward unreadability”? How large was the membership of the apocryphal Page 15 Club of readers who could not get past that point in the book?

Soon enough, the language of literature would be drowned in the cacophony of other discourses — political, religious, sociological, postcolonial — and the subject of quality, of artistic intent, would come to seem almost frivolous. The book that he had written would vanish and be replaced by one that scarcely existed, in which Rushdie referred to the Prophet and his companions as “scums and bums” (he didn’t, though he did allow the characters who persecuted the followers of his fictional Prophet to use abusive language), and called the wives of the Prophet whores (he hadn’t — although whores in a brothel in his imaginary city, Jahilia, take on the names of the Prophet’s wives to arouse their clients, the wives themselves are clearly described as living chastely in the harem). This nonexistent novel was the one against which the rage of Islam would be directed, and after that few people wished to talk about the real book, except, usually, to concur with Hermione Lee’s negative assessment.

When friends asked what they could do to help, he pleaded, “Defend the text.” The attack was very specific, yet the defense was often a general one, resting on the mighty principle of freedom of speech. He hoped for, felt that he needed, a more particular defense, like those made in the case of other assaulted books, such as “Lady Chatterley’s Lover,” “Ulysses,” or “Lolita” — because this was a violent attack not on the novel in general, or on free speech per se, but on a particular accumulation of words, and on the intentions and integrity and ability of the writer who had put those words together. He did it for money. He did it for fame. The Jews made him do it. Nobody would have bought his unreadable book if he hadn’t vilified Islam. That was the nature of the attack, and so for many years The Satanic Verses was denied the ordinary life of a novel. It became something smaller and uglier: an insult. And he became the Insulter, not only in Muslim eyes but in the opinion of the public at large.

Even now, the demonization of the writer continues as the Iranian Ayatollah Hassan Saneii suggested in a statement published on Sunday that recent insults to Islam are a result of the fact that Rushdie has still not been murdered: “As long as the exalted Imam Khomeini’s historical fatwa against apostate Rushdie is not carried out, it won’t be the last insult. If the fatwa had been carried out, later insults in the form of caricature, articles and films that have continued would have not happened.”

In another statement (this and the previous one noted by Robert Mackey), Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei references the same “evil chain” of insults.

At this point Rushdie can reasonably include himself among those who have been grossly insulted as his work of literature is now linked to a trashy video.

If the protection of sacredness is itself to be viewed as an expression of reverence, then surely it cannot flay about so indiscriminately.

While Khomeini’s fatwa is frequently referred to as having targeted Rushdie, he also included in his death sentence “all those involved in its publication who were aware of its content”. There is a legal exactness in the fact that he only sentenced those who were aware of the book’s content — not simply all the employees of Viking Press. Yet it begs the question: how aware of the book’s content was Khomeini himself? Less than four months away from his own death I doubt he ever set his hands on a copy and almost certainly never studied its content and yet on his command dozens of deaths followed. Ayatollah Saneii was wrong to say that the fatwa has not been carried out.

Laws about blasphemy have long been employed in the name of protecting religion, yet during what Rushdie reasonably calls these “thin-skinned years of rage-defined identity politics” a few words from a British government minister seem worthy of consideration by members of any faith: “the strength of their own belief is the best armour against mockers and blasphemers”.

Soon after Khomeini issued his fatwa, Rushdie was interviewed on CBS television and recalls in his memoir (again, referring to himself in the third person):

On air, when he was asked for a response to the threat, he said, “I wish I’d written a more critical book.” He was proud, then and always, that he had said this. It was the truth. He did not feel that his book was especially critical of Islam, but, as he said on American television that morning, a religion whose leaders behaved in this way could probably use a little criticism.

While calculated acts of provocation deserve to be condemned, so do acts of violence carried out in the name of protecting the faith — any faith.

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A universal message in the Middle East protests

Reuters reports: Protesters enraged by a film mocking the Prophet Mohammad battled with police in several Asian cities on Monday and vented their fury against the United States, blaming it for what they see as an attack on the Muslim religion.

Police fired in the air to break up a crowd marching on the U.S. consulate in the Pakistani city of Karachi while in Afghanistan and Indonesia people burnt U.S. flags and chanted “Death to America”.

Indonesian police fired tear gas and water cannon to disperse hundreds of demonstrators who massed outside the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta, capital of the most populous Muslim nation.

In Kabul, protesters set fire to cars and shops and threw stones at police.

“We will defend our prophet until we have blood across our bodies. We will not let anyone insult him,” said one protester in the Afghan capital. “Americans will pay for their dishonor.”

Thousands also marched in Beirut, where a Hezbollah leader accused U.S. spy agencies of being behind events that have unleashed a wave of anti-Western sentiment in the Muslim and Arab world.

The demonstrations were the latest across the world ignited by a short film made with private funds in the United States and posted on the Internet that depicted the Prophet Mohammad as a fool, a womanizer and a homosexual.

The situation saddles U.S. President Barack Obama with an unexpected foreign policy headache as he campaigns for re-election in November, even though his administration has condemned the film as reprehensible and disgusting.

In a torrent of violence last week, the U.S. ambassador to Libya and three other Americans were killed in an attack in Benghazi and U.S. and other foreign embassies were stormed in cities in Asia, Africa and the Middle East by furious Muslims. At least nine other people have been killed.

Washington has sent ships, extra troops and special forces to protect U.S. interests and citizens in the Middle East, while a number of its embassies have evacuated staff and are on high alert for trouble.

A White House spokesman said Obama spoke by telephone to senior diplomats at the weekend to reassure them of his support.

“He called the chiefs of mission in Sudan, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen to let those diplomats know that he was thinking about them, that their safety remains a top priority of his, and it is something he will remain focused on,” spokesman Josh Earnest said.

Despite Obama’s efforts early in his tenure to improve relations with the Arab and Muslim world, the new violence adds to a host of problems including the continued U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan, Iran’s nuclear program, the Syrian civil war and the fall-out from the Arab Spring revolts.

The renewed protests on Monday dashed any hopes that the furor over the film might fade despite an appeal over the weekend from the senior cleric in Saudi Arabia, home to Islam’s holiest shrines, for calm.

In the Kabul demonstration, protesters shouted “Death to America” and burned the flags of the United States and of Israel, a country reviled by many Muslims and Arabs because of the Palestinian issue.

As many have asked: why are Muslims across the world protesting against a crude anti-Islam movie and not against the thousands of Muslims being killed by the Assad regime?

I don’t think it’s because of indifference or apathy about the plight of Syrians. One issue is seen as an attack on Muslim identity while the other isn’t. Assad is killing his own people, not because they are Muslims but because they have risen up to throw him out of power. His actions don’t fall within the wider context of what has long been perceived as a war on Islam waged by the U.S., Israel and their allies. (This is not to deny that Assad is a worthy target of protests, both in the Middle East and across the world.)

Even so, the religious dimension should perhaps be seen as merely a veneer than rests on top of a more fundamental issue — one which explains why the Palestinian issue has for so long been at the center of Middle Eastern rage.

Do Muslims across the region care more about Palestinians than anyone else? Almost certainly not. But the treatment of Palestinians by Israelis is regarded as emblematic of Western contempt for Muslims. In this perception, Israel’s allies have been willing to tolerate the daily abuses which Palestinians suffer, not because the West bears a particular hostility towards Palestinians but because it regards Arabs and Muslims in general as inferior people.

If those protesting against the Innocence of Muslims are screaming in rage about an insult to the Prophet, their passion reveals perhaps more about the experience of being insulted.

Those who suffer frequent insults either internalize them and come to believe that the lack of respect they are shown reflects the lack of respect they deserve, or, they stand up to defend their dignity.

Strangely, the dignity of ordinary people is something more in evidence in traditional societies than modern ones.

In societies that see themselves as the most advanced, we have an abundance of material reasons to feel superior to others, yet woven into the Western way of life are so many indignities that we have come to see them as normality.

We are slaves of commerce who feel insecure unless suitably branded. We treat the fabrications of Hollywood as the ideals of social status and good looks. We take for granted that our elected representatives rarely represent our interests. We accept that the grind of monotonous work is a necessity for economic survival. And we live in socially fragmented communities in which in so many of our dealings we are strangers living invisible lives among strangers.

All of this results in a loss of dignity and a loss of appreciation for its value. And that loss has reached a point where when we witness Muslims making vociferous demands for respect, we all too easily dismiss this as nothing more than the expression of religious fanaticism.

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Video shows Libyans retrieving envoy’s body

The New York Times reports: An amateur video that surfaced Sunday appears to show a crowd removing the motionless body of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens from a window of the American mission in Benghazi, Libya, after it was attacked last week by Islamist militants, adding new details to reports that Mr. Stevens had died of smoke inhalation while locked in a safe room.

The video emerged as a new disagreement broke out between the recently named president of the Libyan Parliament and American officials over whether the attack was planned and whether Al Qaeda had a role.

Labeled the work of Fahd al-Bakkosh, the video centers on what appears to be the same tall, narrow window that witnesses have described as Mr. Stevens’s last exit. The witnesses said residents drawn to the scene had forced open the window and found Mr. Stevens behind a locked iron gate, pulled him out and taken him to the hospital. In the video, none say anything that shows ill will.

“I swear, he’s dead,” one Libyan says, peering in.

“Bring him out, man! Bring him out,” another says.

“The man is alive. Move out of the way,” others shout. “Just bring him out, man.”

“Move, move, he is still alive!”

“Alive, Alive! God is great,” the crowd erupts, while someone calls to bring Mr. Stevens to a car.

Mr. Stevens was taken to a hospital, where a doctor tried to revive him, but said he was all but dead on arrival.

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Hezbollah leader joins calls for protests against anti-Islam film

If there are political powers in the Middle East for whom protests against the anti-Islam film, Innocence of Muslims, have provided a useful distraction, nowhere is this more likely the case than for a resistance movement locked in the uncomfortable position of supporting the brutal military regime next door.

On Al Manar television yesterday, Hezbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah said to his followers: “Tomorrow, and in the coming days you should bear your responsibility in the Arab world the world as a whole. They should see the rage in your faces and feel it in your screams.”

The Daily Star reports: During his speech Sunday, Nasrallah also echoed calls by MP Walid Jumblatt last week for the global criminalization of insults against religions similar to those adopted in West against anti-Semitism.

He said the solution to prevent the recurrence of such incidents is to “work on issuing an international law throughout global institutions that criminalizes any insult against the celestial religions or at least to the prophets of the religions.”

Nasrallah also urged Muslim communities in the U.S. to “bear a historic responsibility” and rally for such a law to be issued in Congress.

He also urged the Lebanese government to work at the Arab League level to lobby for such a law.

“Lebanon, which carries the message of co-existence, can play a role in this … by calling for an emergency meeting of the Arab League and call for the convening of an Islamic summit and adopt ideas [such as criminalizing religious insults].”

Shortly following Nasrallah’s speech, Lebanon’s Foreign Affairs Minister Adnan Mansour urged the head of the Arab League to convene an emergency session to discuss the issue, according to Al-Manar.

Nasrallah said he had delayed announcing the call for protests because of the visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Lebanon.

“We delayed the protest because of the exceptional days that have passed with the head of the Catholic Church’s visit to Lebanon and fearing that [the protest] could be used for other purposes,” Nasrallah said.

Hate speech is indeed against the law in most Western countries, but as Frederick Schauer has noted in “The Exceptional First Amendment“:

[T]he vast majority of non-American laws prohibiting the incitement to racial hatred would be unconstitutional in the United States, as would be the overwhelming proportion of actual legal actions brought under those laws. Jean Le Pen could not be sanctioned in the United States, as he was in France, for accusing Jews of exaggerating the Holocaust, nor could Brigitte Bardot be fined in the United States, as she was in France, for crusading against Islam and urging the deportation of those of Arab ethnicity. Ernst Zundel and James Keegstra can be charged with crimes in Canada for denying the Holocaust, but not in the United States.

The U.S. Constitution is not a sacred document — even if many Americans regard it as such — so it can certainly be argued that there is oftentimes a kind of literalist fundamentalism at work when legal principles end up resting on determinations of their constitutionality. Nevertheless, there are cultural and pragmatic reasons why it is preferable that social norms not be determined by laws.

Islamophobes are not able to wield their influence in America and beyond its shores simply because they are able to exploit the protections provided by the First Amendment. They do so because a hostile anti-Islam and anti-Arab sentiment has grown unchecked across this country throughout the last decade.

Bigotry has spread not only through the efforts of hatemongers like Pamela Geller and Pastor Terry Jones but because fear of Islam has seeped into American consciousness in subtler ways. Even while television networks and others who shape public opinion have been activists in challenging racism, sexism, and homophobia, they have rarely had the courage to forcefully challenge Islamophobia. And that lack of courage both reflects and reinforces a simple fact: fear and hatred of Muslims has become the socially accepted bigotry of this era. That fact will not be changed by abandoning the First Amendment but by the painstaking efforts of those who make it clear that hatred which can legally be expressed is nevertheless socially unacceptable.

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